The State of Working Alabama 2021, Section 7 – No place to call home: Housing insecurity amid COVID-19

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Where are we now?

More than 800,000 job losses in the first eight months of the pandemic caused Alabamians severe economic damage and heightened insecurity. Thousands of Alabamians face potential eviction and homelessness as a result of the pandemic. And unfortunately, the state’s recent scattershot approach to eviction policy has resulted in inconsistent protection for renters across Alabama.

Gov. Kay Ivey’s initial eviction emergency order provided broad protections against eviction, directing all law enforcement personnel to cease “enforcement of any order that would result in the displacement of a person from his or her place of residence.”[1]

This proclamation faced immediate attempts to chip away its broad protections. A second emergency proclamation on May 8 limited the protections significantly by allowing evictions for all reasons except nonpayment of rent specifically.[2] This modification was a major limitation that cut against the original order’s basic purpose: to reduce health risks to Alabamians by preventing homelessness and forced moves into crowded group housing settings with many other people.

Further, allowing evictions for all reasons except nonpayment allowed landlords to put people on the streets for reasons unrelated to public safety, even though the stated reason for limiting protections was to ensure public safety. For example, a person could be evicted for allowing family members not named on the lease to move in after those family members had themselves lost housing.

State eviction safeguards gone; housing instability remains

The near-shutdown of state courts in early spring 2020 greatly slowed the pace of eviction proceedings for months in Alabama.[3] But administrative difficulties are not a reliable brake on policies designed to punish poverty. And worse, Ivey’s eviction protection order expired in June, leaving no state-level eviction protections in place thereafter.[4]

Alabamians have high rates of housing instability. As recently as the week before Thanksgiving, nearly 13% of Alabamians who responded to the Household Pulse Survey said they either missed their previous rent or mortgage payment or had little confidence they would make their next payment.[5]

 

Black and Hispanic Alabamians face greater risk of eviction for inability to pay rent during the pandemic. Black residents are 26.8% of Alabama's population but are 54.2% of the Alabama renters facing eviction. For Hispanic/Latinx residents, the corresponding rates are 4.6% and 8.1%. For white residents, the rates are 69.1% and 36.5%.

How did we get here?

Housing costs are a heightened burden for Alabamians with low incomes even in more normal times. Full-time work at the minimum wage is insufficient to afford a two-bedroom apartment anywhere in the state.[6] A minimum-wage worker would need to work 12 hours a day, seven days a week to afford such an apartment.

Alabama’s shortage of affordable housing causes significant harm for tens of thousands of state residents. The state lacks nearly 80,000 affordable homes for people with extremely low incomes, defined as 30% of area median income or lower.[7] More than three in four of these Alabamians are seniors, people with disabilities and/or in the workforce.[8]

Long-term failure to invest in affordable housing has brought Alabama to this point. The state has a mechanism, created in 2012, to address the housing shortage: the Alabama Housing Trust Fund (AHTF).[9] But the Legislature has never appropriated funding for the AHTF. During the pandemic-shortened 2020 regular session, a bill to fund the AHTF through a small increase in the mortgage recording fee for housing purchases advanced out of committee. But the Legislature adjourned without passing the bill.

What should we do now?

Alabama can take steps to fix this policy shortcoming quickly. And addressing the state’s housing shortage would bring significant benefits. State investment in affordable housing would create jobs with good wages. Construction workers in Alabama make about $43,000 per year, just $5,000 short of the median household wage.[10]

Even though the federal moratorium on many evictions has been extended through March 2021,[11] a state-level eviction moratorium is still needed to ensure the well-being of thousands of Alabamians. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) eviction moratorium requires renters to file paperwork with their landlords attesting to their inability to pay because of COVID-19. This requirement is readily abusable by unscrupulous landlords, who could make themselves unavailable for service and assert failure to provide notice. Those landlords also could falsely claim not to have received the notice.

A blanket state eviction moratorium (with an exception for people posing serious danger to others) would be a better solution. It would avoid an administrative burden on renters already experiencing financial hardship. And it would prevent rental companies from potentially abusing the CDC’s notice requirement.

A policy path to keep Alabamians housed

To ensure everyone has a place to call home during the pandemic and beyond, Alabama should:

  • Reinstitute eviction protections for the duration of the pandemic for all people who are not a danger to others.
  • Provide direct housing subsidies to renters impacted by COVID-19. This assistance would help people remain in their homes and help smaller landlords cover their mortgages and other expenses.
  • Provide adequate appropriations to support affordable housing in Alabama. The state should dedicate a substantial source of funding, such as the recently proposed increase in the mortgage recording fee, to providing affordable housing. At current housing prices, a mortgage recording fee increase of just 15 cents per $100 financed would provide more than $14 million yearly toward addressing the housing needs of Alabamians.
  • Halt utility cutoffs and begin reporting data on shutoffs for nonpayment. Cutting off water and power to people during a pandemic because of nonpayment is cruel and counterproductive. These cutoffs increase human suffering and limit people’s ability to protect themselves against the spread of coronavirus. Alabama needs to collect more data about the scope of these shutoffs and craft policies to make them less prevalent.

The State of Working Alabama 2021

The State of Working Alabama 2021: Executive summary
Introduction: The high cost of failing to protect the common good (Section 1)
Unequal by design: COVID-19 and Alabama’s policy legacy (Section 2)
Assessing the damage: COVID-19 and Alabama’s labor market (Section 3)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Praised but underprotected: Front-line workers in the pandemic (Section 4)
Why coverage matters: Health care in the time of COVID-19 (Section 5)
The ugly reality: Alabama’s hunger problem during the pandemic (Section 6)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


Footnotes

[1] State of Alabama, Proclamation by the Governor (April 3, 2020), https://www.alabamapublichealth.gov/legal/assets/proclamation-covid19-040320.pdf.

[2] State of Alabama, Proclamation by the Governor (May 8, 2020), https://www.alabamapublichealth.gov/legal/assets/soe-covid19-various-050820.pdf.

[3] Supreme Court of Alabama, Administrative Order Suspending All In-Person Court Proceedings for the Next Thirty Days (March 13, 2020), https://www.alacourt.gov/docs/COV-19%20order%20FINAL.pdf.

[4] Moriah Mason, “The federal eviction moratorium has been extended, but is it enough?,” Alabama Political Reporter (Jan. 28, 2021), https://www.alreporter.com/2021/01/28/the-federal-eviction-moratorium-has-been-extended-but-is-it-enough.

[5] Alabama Arise analysis of U.S. Census Bureau, Week 19 Household Pulse Survey: Nov. 11 – Nov. 23, https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2020/demo/hhp/hhp19.html.

[6] National Low Income Housing Coalition, Out of Reach 2020, Alabama data sheet, https://reports.nlihc.org/sites/default/files/oor/files/reports/state/AL-2020-OOR.pdf.

[7] National Low Income Housing Coalition, Housing Needs by State – Alabama (2020), https://nlihc.org/housing-needs-by-state/alabama.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Carol Gundlach, “Home at last: The Alabama Housing Trust Fund (2015 update),” Alabama Arise (Nov. 3, 2015), https://www.alarise.org/resources/home-at-last-the-alabama-housing-trust-fund-2015-update.

[10] Bureau of Labor Statistics, Occupational Employment Statistics, May 2019 State Occupational Employment and Wage Estimates – Alabama (March 31, 2020), https://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes_al.htm.

[11] Mason, supra note 4.

Medicaid Matters: Charting the Course to a Healthier Alabama

The cover page of the report - Medicaid Matters: Charting the Course to a Healthier Alabama

Introduction

ALABAMA MEDICAID supports the health care system that serves us all. Whether you have employer health coverage, a private plan, public insurance like Medicaid or Medicare, or no coverage at all, you will likely benefit at some point from facilities and services that Medicaid makes possible.

More than a million Alabamians — mostly children in families with low incomes, seniors in long-term care and people with disabilities — have Medicaid coverage that allows them to get the regular, timely medical care they need. By building on this foundation to make affordable coverage more widely available, we can strengthen our health system, our workforce, our communities and our economy.

This report looks at Alabama Medicaid from four angles: how it works now, how it’s improving coverage, who’s still left out and how we can make it stronger.

Click on the icons below to read each section of our report. Please continue below the icons for our conclusion, editor’s note and acknowledgments. You can click any image in this report to enlarge it. To read our news release on the report, click here.

How does Medicaid work in Alabama? (Section 1)
How is Medicaid improving coverage? (Section 2)
Who’s still left out of health coverage? (Section 3)
How can we make Alabama healthier? (Section 4)

Conclusion

All Alabamians deserve the opportunity to get the health care they need to survive and thrive. Medicaid is a lifeline for one in four Alabamians and an economic engine for communities across our state. Extending Medicaid coverage to adults with low incomes would make life better for Alabamians of all races, genders, hometowns and incomes — and it would only cost the state a dime on the dollar. Here’s why Medicaid expansion is a bargain Alabama can’t afford to pass up:

Medicaid expansion would ensure health coverage for:

  • People who work low-wage jobs and can’t afford private coverage
  • Workers who are between jobs
  • Adults caring for children or other family members at home
  • People who have disabilities and are awaiting SSI determinations
  • College students
  • Uninsured veterans
  • People harmed by racial and ethnic health disparities

Medicaid expansion would help more Alabamians have:

  • Regular primary care and preventive checkups
  • Earlier detection and treatment of serious health problems
  • Regular OB/GYN visits without referral
  • Less dependence on costly emergency care
  • Better health and greater financial peace of mind

Medicaid expansion would bring our federal tax dollars home to support:

  • Better outcomes on critical health challenges like infant mortality, obesity and substance use disorders
  • Stronger rural hospitals and clinics
  • A stronger network of community mental health and substance use disorder services
  • A needed boost in jobs and revenue for state and local economies

Editor’s note

As we publish this report, Alabama and the world are facing the public health emergency of the COVID-19 pandemic. The duration and fallout of the crisis are impossible to predict, but every level of our health care system will be severely tested in the months ahead. The pandemic is taking a disproportionate toll on African American and Latino communities where people are more likely to live in poverty and without health insurance. And the number of uninsured Alabamians — already shockingly high before the pandemic — will continue to grow as unemployment mounts.

In times like these, state leaders play a crucial role in protecting the public from physical, mental and financial harm. One of the most important tools available to both elected officials and their constituents is accurate information about how state services promote the common good — and how we can make them stronger.

While this report took shape before the COVID-19 crisis erupted, we hope it will help Alabamians understand the available health care solutions and their important economic benefits. Emergencies demand rapid response, and an understanding of the “preexisting conditions” in our state’s health care system can make those responses more appropriate and more effective.

Through this pandemic and the next one — and the more ordinary times in between — all Alabamians will depend on a health care system with Alabama Medicaid at its core. The stronger Medicaid is, the better the prognosis for all of us will be.

The COVID-19 emergency has brought several temporary changes to the information in this report, including the following:

Section 1

Silvia Hernandez has suspended services at Go Play Therapy but hopes to reopen after the economy stabilizes.

Section 1

Congress has increased the federal share of Medicaid funding for all states by 6.2 percentage points for the length of the pandemic. Some lawmakers have proposed further increases.

Section 2

If someone had Medicaid coverage during March 2020, Alabama will not end that coverage during the pandemic unless the person cancels it or moves out of state. This temporary halt to coverage cuts includes people receiving postpartum coverage that normally ends after 60 days.

Acknowledgments

This Alabama Arise report was made possible by a generous grant from The Women’s Fund of Greater Birmingham. The findings and conclusions presented in this report are those of Arise and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of The Women’s Fund.

Arise policy director Jim Carnes was the primary author of this report, and Valerie Downes of Montgomery designed it. Arise communications associate Matt Okarmus interviewed many of the individuals profiled in this report. Other report editors and contributors included Arise executive director Robyn Hyden; communications director Chris Sanders; policy analyst Carol Gundlach; organizing director Presdelane Harris; organizers Stan Johnson, Mike Nicholson and Debbie Smith; and intern Kayla Thompson.

Special thanks to Jesse Cross-Call and Tammie Smith at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and Stephen Eisele and Paul Gels at Community Catalyst for their guidance and support.

Medicaid Matters – Section 1: How does Medicaid work in Alabama?

MEDICAID BASICS

What you need to know …

Young girl holding sign reading #IamMedicaid
(Photo: #IamMedicaid)
  • Medicaid is a joint federal/state program providing health coverage for certain categories of people with low incomes and limited resources.
  • More than 1.2 million Alabamians qualify for Medicaid coverage.
  • Medicaid payments support doctors’ offices, hospitals, clinics and nursing homes that serve all Alabamians.
  • Children make up more than half of Alabama Medicaid beneficiaries.
  • Medicaid also provides essential coverage for seniors, pregnant women, and people with disabilities.
  • Alabama Medicaid’s eligibility limits are among the nation’s most restrictive.

Medicaid is the backbone of our health care system

More than 1.2 million Alabamians, or 25% of our state’s population, qualified for Medicaid coverage in fiscal year 2017. Looking closer, that’s:

Infograph visualizing who qualified for Medicaid coverage in fiscal year 2017: 1 in 4 Alabamians, 1 in 2 births, 1 in 2 children, 1 in 3 people with disabilities, 2 in 3 nursing home residents, 1 in 5 seniors

Medicaid pumps $7 billion in federal and state money into our health care system every year. Without Medicaid funding, many of the doctors’ offices, clinics, hospitals and other medical facilities that all Alabamians depend on would have to cut services or close.


SPOTLIGHT

Meet Silvia Hernandez

A portrait of Silvia Hernandez
Silvia Hernandez of Fort Payne opened Go Play Therapy after her son’s speech challenges revealed a shortage of therapists in her area. (Photo: Matt Okarmus)

To get her son the speech therapy he needed a few years ago, Silvia Hernandez of Fort Payne had to drive him two hours each way to the recommended therapist in Birmingham. Her top priority was her son’s health care, but Silvia saw firsthand the hurdles of time and resources that some parents in her area would have trouble getting over.

When Silvia encounters a problem, she goes to work — this time literally. Today, she is the owner of Go Play Therapy, a practice she built and opened in response to the provider shortage in her area. Go Play specializes in occupational, physical and speech therapy for children up to age 18. There are two Go Play locations, in Fort Payne and Centre.

Hernandez estimates 90% of her clients have Medicaid.

If Medicaid didn’t exist, we’d have to shut our doors,” Silvia says. She adds that extending Medicaid coverage to adults with low incomes — not just their children — would help even more people gain access to the care they need. As a business owner, she sees another advantage to Medicaid expansion: It would allow her to expand her therapy office and hire additional employees.


Who is Alabama Medicaid?

A circle graph with the question of "Who is Alabama Medicaid?" Different shades filled in are: 52% are children in families with low incomes; 9% are people 65 and older who are in poverty; 17% are pregnant women, parent caretakers or family planning patients and 22% are people with disabilities.
Source: Alabama Medicaid

Alabamians in every county qualify for Medicaid

About one in every six Alabamians lives in poverty. For children, the rate is nearly one in four. Even Alabama’s most prosperous counties have significant numbers of households living below or near the poverty level. That means Medicaid is a lifeline for families across the entire state.

A map of Alabama that shows the percentage of people in each county who qualified for Mediacid in 2017: Autauga - 22% Baldwin - 19% Barbour - 38% Bibb - 28% Blount - 23% Bullock - 38% Butler - 38% Calhoun - 30% Chambers - 33% Cherokee - 27% Chilton - 29% Choctaw - 34% Clarke - 34% Clay - 31% Cleburne - 28% Coffee - 25% Colbert - 27% Conecuh - 39% Coosa - 25% Covington - 32% Crenshaw - 37% Cullman - 24% Dale - 28% Dallas - 49% DeKalb - 22% Elmore - 21% Escambia - 32% Etowah - 29% Fayette - 33% Franklin - 32% Geneva - 33% Greene - 51% Hale - 47% Henry - 28% Houston - 30% Jackson - 25% Jefferson - 25% Lamar - 31% Lauderdale - 22% Lawrence - 27% Lee - 18% Limestone - 19% Lowndes - 47% Macon - 36% Madison - 17% Marengo - 39% Marion - 29% Marshall - 22% Mobile - 29% Monroe - 32% Montgomery - 31% Morgan - 22% Perry - 52% Pickens - 31% Pike - 28% Randolph - 31% Russell - 32% St. Clair - 21% Shelby - 13% Sumter - 42% Talladega - 31% Tallapoosa - 31% Tuscaloosa - 22% Walker - 31% Washington - 27% Wilcox - 54% Winston - 29%
Source: Alabama Medicaid
A graph showing Medicaid eligibility through fiscal year 2017 as represented by the percent of population by county. The highest were Wilcox (54%), Perry (52%), Greene (51%), Dallas (49%), Lowndes (47%) and Hale (47%). The lowest were Shelby (13%), Madison (17%), Lee (18%), Limestone (19%) and Baldwin (19%).
Source: Alabama Medicaid

How do people qualify for Medicaid coverage in Alabama?

When an individual or family applies for Medicaid, a number of factors determine whether they’re eligible and which program would best serve their needs. Age, income, family size and certain health conditions like pregnancy or disability all play a part.

The household income limit for a particular program is expressed as a percentage of the federal poverty level (FPL) — often in shortened form, such as “146% of poverty.” The higher the percentage, the more income an individual or family may have and still qualify for Medicaid.

The income limits for Alabama Medicaid’s eligibility groups are shown below. In 2020, the FPL was $12,760 for an individual and $26,200 for a family of four.

Graph showing Medicaid eligibility in Alabama. The percentage noted for each is its percentage of the federal poverty level in 2020 ($12,760 for an individual and $26,200 for a family of four). Former foster youth up to age 26 (no income limit), Children under 19 (146% - Note: Children in families earning more than the Medicaid income limit but under 317% of the federal poverty level can get coverage for an income-based premium with ALL Kids, Alabama's state Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP)), Breast and cervical cancer patients (250%), People in nursing homes or community care (222%), Pregnant women (146%), Family planning (146%), People who are aged, blind or disabled (76%), Parents of dependent children (18%) and adults without dependent children (not eligible). Source: Alabama Medicaid
How does Alabama’s Medicaid eligibility compare?

Children’s health coverage has long been a point of pride for Alabama. We were the first state to launch a Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) after Congress created that option in 1997. While our family income limit for children in Medicaid is the third lowest in the country at 146% FPL, ALL Kids covers children above the Medicaid limit up to 317% FPL. That puts Alabama among the top 10 states for CHIP eligibility. For working-age adults, however, Alabama Medicaid’s income limits tell another, far more troubling story.

Graph showing income limits on adult Medicaid eligibility. FPL means federal poverty level. For pregnant women, Alabama's 146% FPL income limit ranks 45th nationally. The U.S. median is 200% FPL. For parents and other caretaker relatives, Alabama's income limit of 18% FPL ranks 49th nationally. The U.S. median is 138% FPL. For adults 19-64 with no children, Alabama provides no coverage. The U.S. median is 138% FPL.

National ranking: 49th

For adults without children or a disability, we’re one of 14 states that offer no Medicaid coverage. And only Texas makes it harder than Alabama for parents of dependent children to get Medicaid coverage.

How does Medicaid funding work?

A circle graph representing the 73% federal match for Alabama Medicaid funding in 2021 and the states responsibility of 27%.

The federal government pays at least half of each state’s Medicaid costs. The percentage (called the Federal Medical Assistance Percentage, or FMAP) is set annually through a complicated formula based on per capita (or per person) income. The lower the state’s per capita income, the higher the FMAP, up to a maximum 83%. Alabama’s FMAP for FY 2021 will be 72.58%. This means we get roughly $7 in federal money for every $3 Alabama pays for Medicaid. Alabama Medicaid’s total annual budget is about $7 billion.

Two stacks of money showing the roughly 30% state vs. 70% federal match for Medicaid.

State money for Medicaid comes from a number of sources, including the General Fund (GF), special trust funds, and transfer payments from public hospitals. Because the revenues earmarked for the GF come from minor taxes, fees and interest payments that grow slowly, Medicaid and other GF services remain permanently shortchanged.

How does Alabama’s Medicaid investment compare?

One simple way to compare Medicaid programs across states (and the District of Columbia) is to rank their spending per enrollee in major Medicaid eligibility groups. Spending is only one factor in the delivery of care, but it does indicate the investment that the state is willing to make in the health of residents with low incomes. Here’s how Alabama measures up on that count:

A graph showing Alabama's investment in health per Medicaid enrollee. For all full-benefit enrollees, Alabama's spending of $3,837 ranked 49th nationally. The U.S. average was $5,736. For children, Alabama's spending of $2,085 ranked 44th nationally. The U.S. average was $2,577. For adults, Alabama's spending of $2,043 ranked 49th nationally. The U.S. average was $3,278. For individuals with disabilities, Alabama's spending of $7,249 ranked 51st nationally. The U.S. average was $16,859. For seniors, Alabama's spending of $7,987 ranked 46th nationally. The U.S. average was $13,063.
Source: Kaiser Family Foundation, State Health Facts 2014

What services does Medicaid cover?

To qualify for federal funding, state Medicaid programs must cover:

  • Well-child check-ups, known as EPSDT (Early Periodic Screening, Diagnosis and Treatment, including dental services), for all Medicaid-eligible children under age 21. Because most Medicaid beneficiaries (also known as members) are children, EPSDT is the most wide-reaching Medicaid service.
  • Inpatient and outpatient hospital care.
  • Doctor services.
  • Laboratory and X-ray services.
  • Skilled nursing.
  • Family planning services.
  • Pregnancy-related services.
  • Ambulance services.

Alabama is one of only three states where Medicaid does not cover any dental care for adults.

The federal government also identifies optional Medicaid services that states may offer. Alabama offers only a few of these, including adult prescription drug coverage, adult prosthetics and community-based hospice care. In addition, Alabama has waivers, or special permission, to offer home- and community-based long-term care and regionally based coordinated primary care.

IN FOCUS

Children with special health care needs

Alabama Medicaid and ALL Kids together cover more than 105,000 children with special health care needs. These children are at increased risk for chronic physical, developmental, behavioral or emotional conditions. They require services tailored to these needs.

The Medicaid portion of this population includes more than 21,000 children who received Supplemental Security Income (SSI) in 2018. A child receiving SSI has a medically determinable physical or mental impairment, including emotional or learning problems, that results in marked and severe functional limitations and has lasted or can be expected to last for a continuous period of at least 12 months.

An image of Bryant-Denny Stadium in Tuscaloosa, Alabama.
A SENSE OF SCALE: 105,000 children are more than the capacity of Bryant-Denny Stadium (101,821). (Photo: AP Images)

SPOTLIGHT

Meet Mattisa Moorer and Kerstin Sanders

A portrait of Kerstin Sanders and her mother, Mattisa Moorer.
Kerstin Sanders and her mom, Mattisa Moorer, have become champions for special education services in Lowndes County schools. (Photo: Judy Barranco)

Like many teenagers, Kerstin Sanders enjoys movies, being out in the crowd, chilling out and sleeping in. Cerebral palsy, Dandy Walker Syndrome, epilepsy, scoliosis and restrictive lung disease are facts of her life, but they aren’t her life.

Kerstin is a treasure to anyone who takes the time and effort to know her, says her mother, Mattisa Moorer.

As Kerstin ages, her care becomes more complex. For example, multiple surgeries and procedures have made it necessary to change her feeding tube more frequently. Medicaid pays for most of the medications and supplies that Kerstin needs every month.

“It’s been a life-saver,” Mattisa says.

The Lowndes County single mom realized she would need to be an advocate for her daughter when Kerstin entered Head Start. At first, the school’s special education coordinator listened carefully and designed a plan that allowed Mattisa to be a classroom aide. But a change of administration caused the plan to unravel.

“I saw that I need to continuously advocate for Kerstin’s inclusion and, at middle school, her access,” Mattisa says. That calling now has expanded to include working part-time as a parent consultant with Family Voices of Alabama and serving as a consumer representative with her local Alabama Coordinated Health Network (ACHN).

While patient advocacy has come with struggles — waiting lists, paperwork, hard-to-obtain information — Mattisa values her successes. She considers the camaraderie of others in similar situations to be one of her biggest wins.


Medicaid Matters (Main Section)
How is Medicaid improving coverage? (Section 2)
Who’s still left out of health coverage? (Section 3)
How can we make Alabama healthier? (Section 4)

Medicaid Matters – Section 2: How is Medicaid improving coverage?

MEDICAID IMPROVEMENTS

What you need to know…

A woman and child with a sign reading #IamMedicaid
(Photo: #IamMedicaid)
  • New Medicaid changes seek to improve health and cut costs by rewarding timely and preventive care.
  • The statewide Integrated Care Network (ICN) is coordinating long-term care for about 23,000 Alabamians.
  • Seven regional Alabama Coordinated Health Networks (ACHNs) are coordinating primary and specialty care for about 750,000 Alabamians.
  • The ICN and ACHNs have Consumer Advisory Committees and consumer representatives on their boards.
  • ACHNs have identified infant mortality, obesity and substance use disorders as top priorities for improvement.

Steps in the right direction

Recent changes in the way Medicaid members get their care are promising moves in the right direction. By rewarding prevention and appropriate, timely care, Medicaid hopes to improve health outcomes, while bringing costs down in the process.

The new plans can be a significant improvement over the old Medicaid system, if they keep the focus on better health. One way to improve the chances for success is to have a strong consumer voice at the policy table. The changes are happening on two tracks:

  1. Long-term care for people who need assistance with activities of daily living.
  2. Primary care for children and pregnant mothers.

Public policy is better and more responsive when people have a say in decisions that affect their health and well-being. And Alabama Medicaid reforms are lifting those voices.

Rethinking Medicaid long-term care

A circle graph showing that 70% of Integrated Care Network members lived in a nursing facility in 2019 while 30% lived at home.For long-term care patients, Medicaid has a new plan called the Integrated Care Network (ICN). The ICN coordinates care for Medicaid members who live in nursing facilities or receive certain home- and community-based waiver services. There are only about 23,000 of these members across Alabama, so one statewide ICN serves all of them.

In 2019, roughly two-thirds of people served by the ICN lived in nursing facilities, and about one-third were living at home. The goal of the program is to help more people get long-term care services in their home and community, if that’s what they want. The ICN works with the 13 Area Agencies on Aging across the state to coordinate long-term care for Medicaid members who qualify.

The ICN also has a strong consumer voice at the policy table. Four consumer advocates serve on the governing board. And the Consumer Advisory Committee (CAC) includes eight consumer representatives. The chairperson of the CAC (Dr. Eric Peebles, featured below) receives home-based long-term care services through a Medicaid waiver.

A map showing the coverage area for each of Alabama's 13 Area Agencies on Aging (plus the Regional Planning Commission of Greater Birmingham). Visit alabamaselect.com to learn more about the regional organization in your area.
AREA AGENCIES ON AGING: Thirteen Area Agencies on Aging (plus the Regional Planning Commission of Greater Birmingham) provide care coordination for ICN members. Visit the ICN website at alabamaselect.com to learn more about the regional organizations. (Source: Alabama Department of Senior Services)

SPOTLIGHT

Meet Dr. Eric Peebles

A portrait of Dr. Eric Peebles
For Dr. Eric Peebles of Auburn, the path of advocacy for independent living began in an upstate New York elementary school. (Photo: Matt Okarmus)

School officials in the New York community where Eric Peebles grew up tried every excuse in the book to prevent him from starting school. “We can’t find him an appropriate classroom aide,” they said. Or “his power wheelchair is a danger to the other students.”

It was the mid-1980s, and federally mandated special education was still a relatively new policy. But those officials didn’t know what they were getting into when they threw roadblocks in the path of Eric and his mom, Pat. Two years, multiple runarounds and a lawsuit later, Eric’s school district found itself under federal supervision, and all district administrators involved in his case lost their jobs. His mother was appointed to the search committee for their replacements.

Thanks to his mom, Eric got an early education in self-advocacy. That groundwork served him well 25 years later when he moved to Alabama to complete his doctorate and join the undergraduate faculty in rehabilitation and disability studies at Auburn University. His personal experience with spastic cerebral palsy (resulting from oxygen deprivation at birth) gives him an insider’s perspective on disability policy and services — and on stereotypes. One misconception he fights hard to dispel is the assumption that his advocacy is aimed solely at asserting his own rights and opportunities, rather than those of all people with disabilities.

‘Greater things to come’

When Eric moved here nearly 10 years ago, Alabama Medicaid’s long-term care services were so sparse that he maintained his residency in another state until the menu of services expanded. Today, he enjoys community self-sufficiency through his participation in the Alabama Community Transition (ACT) waiver. In addition to running his own research and consulting business, Accessible Alabama, Eric serves on the board of the Disabilities Leadership Coalition of Alabama and chairs the Medicaid Integrated Care Network (ICN) Consumer Advisory Committee. In 2019, Gov. Kay Ivey appointed him to the State of Alabama Independent Living Council.

Those long-ago school officials left a mark they couldn’t foresee. Among all his achievements, Eric counts the success of his own former students as a special point of pride. But his advocacy story is still being written, he says. “It feels like these accomplishments are forerunners of greater things to come.”


A regional approach to Medicaid primary care

Under Alabama Medicaid’s new structure, seven regional Alabama Coordinated Health Networks (ACHNs) coordinate primary care for Medicaid children, pregnant mothers and people who receive family planning services. Primary care includes well-child visits; EPSDT (Early Periodic Screening, Diagnosis and Treatment) for children; adult screening, diagnosis and treatment; and preventive care.

Each member can choose a primary care doctor to be their “patient-centered medical home.” Each ACHN has a phone line to call when a Medicaid participant has a health problem. The basic idea is that nurses, social workers and care coordinators working with the primary care doctor can help people get the right care for the right problem without going to the emergency room whenever they get sick.

A map of Alabama showing the coverage areas of the seven regional networks that provide primary coordination for ACHN members: Northwest, Northeast, East, Jefferson-Shelby, Central, Southwest and Southeast.
Seven regional networks provide primary care coordination for ACHN members. Visit medicaid.alabama.gov to learn more about the ACHNs.

Medicaid ACHNs bring a new focus on consumer engagement and better health

The regional network plan gives Medicaid new tools for improving health outcomes. The ACHN can help patients identify health goals, create a care plan and connect with community resources that promote better health. The new plan serves about 750,000 Medicaid members across seven regions. Each ACHN has a consumer representative on its board, in addition to a Consumer Advisory Committee (CAC).

Bonus payments for doctors who reach quality benchmarks are another feature aimed at improving care. Each ACHN also is conducting Quality Improvement Projects (QIPs) targeting three health measures for improvement:

  • Infant mortality
  • Obesity
  • Substance use disorders
A group photo of Medicaid consumer representatives and other advocates.
Medicaid consumer representatives in Alabama have teamed up for training and peer support. (Photo: Renée Markus Hodin)

SPOTLIGHT

Meet Audrey Trippe

A photo of Audrey Trippe and her child.
Navigating the complicated system of mental health and substance use services motivated Audrey Trippe of Attalla to step up and serve as a Medicaid consumer representative. (Photo: Courtesy of Audrey Trippe)

Audrey Trippe, a resident of Attalla in Etowah County, has worked in mental health care since 2013, serving as a peer support specialist, peer supervisor, youth peer and certified addiction counselor. She and her husband are the proud parents of two boys, one of them a newborn.

Audrey considers herself in long-term recovery from major depression and substance use disorder. She has spent most of her young adulthood in the coverage gap, relying on urgent care clinics and the ER. Being heard has been a challenge.

“There have been times I’ve felt like a chart and not a person,” she says. “I’ve felt overmedicated at times because I couldn’t communicate what feelings were from my mental issues and what feelings were normal for substance use recovery.”

For a while, Audrey and her husband had enough income to purchase Marketplace insurance, which covered her first pregnancy. But a series of financial setbacks put her back in the gap — and her baby into Medicaid coverage. She qualified for Medicaid herself with her second pregnancy. Now that the baby is born, Audrey’s coverage will expire 60 days after delivery.

‘Great hope for the future’

Navigating these ins and outs, ups and downs has motivated Audrey to help others find their way. That’s why she said yes when a friend at the Alabama Disabilities Advocacy Program asked her to be a consumer representative for her local Alabama Coordinated Health Network (ACHN). She wants to be an “authentic voice” for consumers.

“I want to educate individuals about the options they have and teach them how to have helpful conversations with their own care providers,” she says.

While Audrey faces returning to the coverage gap when her pregnancy coverage expires, she maintains a positive outlook.

“I believe things are getting better all around, and I have great hope for the future,” she says. “There are still things that need to change, but change — like recovery — takes time.”


Priority for improvement

Infant mortality

Alabama’s regional Medicaid networks have identified infant mortality as a key target for improving health outcomes. That’s a promising step. Evidence from Medicaid expansion states shows that providing women continuous health coverage — not just during pregnancy — would make a life-saving difference. Lowering the high rate of African American infant deaths is the key to overall improvement.

National ranking: 45th
A bar graph showing infant mortality rates by race in Alabama in 2017. Infant mortality rate = deaths before age 1 per 1,000 live births. The rates were 11.3 for black Alabamians, 5.6 for white Alabamians and 5.2 for Hispanic Alabamians. The Alabama average was 7.4, while the national average was 5.8.
Source: VOICES for Alabama’s Children, 2019 Kids Count Data Book

A hidden crisis: Maternal mortality

In late 2019, the Alabama Department of Public Health (ADPH) announced the infant mortality rate for 2018 at a record low 7.0 per 1,000 live births. National comparisons are not yet available. Alabama’s infant mortality rate is improving but remains one of the highest in the country, and racial disparity in birth outcomes is widening.

A particular concern is the continuing increase in the percentage of births with no prenatal care, which rose to 2.4% in 2018, ADPH reports.

A bar graph showing Alabama's maternal mortality rate, defined as deaths per 100,000 live births. The rate is 61.7 for black Alabamians and 23.7 for white Alabamians. Alabama's average is 34.5. The national average is 29.6.
Source: America’s Health Rankings, 2019 Health of Women and Children Report

The chief medical causes of infant death include congenital abnormalities, low birth weight and preterm births, Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (SIDS) and bacterial sepsis, according to ADPH. Health researchers are discovering how social factors like place of residence, environmental influences and available resources play a role in determining different outcomes for different racial groups.

Maternal deaths in childbirth occur more rarely than infant deaths, but they are a stark indicator of racial disparities in health care. Black mothers in Alabama die in childbirth at nearly three times the rate of white mothers, and nearly double the overall statewide rate.

Priority for improvement

Obesity

Alabama’s regional Medicaid networks are working to reduce the state’s obesity rate. Extending Medicaid coverage to adults with low incomes would allow thousands more Alabamians to benefit. That would mean healthier families and a healthier workforce.

National ranking: 45th
Bar graphs showing Alabama's obesity rates. Alabama's overall rate is 36.2%, compared to the 30.9% national average. The rate for Alabama children ages 10-17 is 35.5%, compared to the national average of 31.2%.
Source: America’s Health Rankings, 2019 Annual Report

A leading cause of obesity is food insecurity, or the inability to provide adequate food for one or more household members because of lack of resources. Families experiencing food insecurity may rely on low-cost, high-energy foods and beverages, which can lead to overconsumption of calories and result in obesity.

16.3% of Alabama households experienced food insecurity in 2019, for a national ranking of 46th. The national average was 12.3%.

Healthy foods, such as fresh fruits and vegetables, are more expensive and less available in some communities than in others. A CDC study found that only 6.1% of Alabama adults meet the daily vegetable intake recommendation. And only 8.8% of Alabama adults meet the daily fruit intake recommendation. Medicaid programs in other states are exploring ways to make healthy foods more accessible and affordable where people live, work, learn and play. (Source: America’s Health Rankings, 2019 Health of Women and Children Report)

Priority for improvement

Substance use disorders

Alabama’s regional Medicaid networks seek to boost the availability of treatment for
substance use disorders. In the past five years, drug deaths in Alabama increased 37%, from 11.7 to 16.1 deaths per 100,000 people. Despite the increase, Alabama’s drug death rate remained below the national average of 19.2 deaths per 100,000. (Source: America’s Health Rankings, 2019 Annual Report)

Infographic states the following: Alabama ranked #1 in per capita opioid prescriptions, equivalent to 1.1. prescriptions for every person in the state in 2017. Geographical disparity: Lowndes County has 0.004 prescriptions per person, which is the lowest in the state, while Walker County has 2.2 prescriptions per person, which is the highest in the state. Alabama's overall ranking for mental health is 40th. When addressing substance use disorders, it can be helpful to consider the broader context of mental health. Alabama's national ranking for overall mental health is 40th. Alabama's ranking for access to mental health care is even worse - 46th. On the measure of frequent mental distress, Alabama's ranking of 45th is among the nation's worst. 15.6% of Alabama adults surveyed reported their mental health was not good on 14 or more days in the past 30 days. Racial disparity: American Indian (30.9%), Black (15.4%), Multiracial (21.5%), White (15.7%). Sources: Centers for Disease and Prevention; The State of Mental Health in America 2020, Mental Health America; America's Health Rankings, 2019 Annual Report.


 

Medicaid Matters (Main Section)
How does Medicaid work in Alabama? (Section 1)
Who’s still left out of health coverage? (Section 3)
How can we make Alabama healthier? (Section 4)

 

 

Medicaid Matters – Section 3: Who’s still left out of health coverage?

MEDICAID COVERAGE GAP

What you need to know …

A smiling woman's face.
(Photo: Courtesy of Audrey Trippe)
  • More than 220,000 Alabamians are caught in the state’s health coverage gap, earning too much to qualify for Medicaid and too little to afford private insurance.
  • Another 120,000 Alabamians are stretching to pay for coverage they can’t afford.
  • Tens of thousands of Alabamians in the coverage gap are between jobs or are working in essential, low-paying fields like child care, construction and food service.
  • 13,000 Alabama veterans and adult family members have no military insurance and can’t afford private plans.
  • Nearly 65,000 rural Alabamians are caught in the coverage gap.
  • Eight rural Alabama hospitals have closed since 2011.
  • 88% of the state’s rural hospitals operate at a loss.

Alabama’s ‘bare bones’ Medicaid leaves out more than 340,000 people

A family of three with countable income of just $3,841 a year earns too much for the parents to get Medicaid coverage.

As we’ve seen, Alabama Medicaid serves mostly children and people with special health care needs. Only Texas makes it harder for working-age adults without a disability to get Medicaid. First, you have to be a parent of a dependent child. Second, you can’t earn more than 18% of the federal poverty level.

Because of our state’s stringent limits, about 223,000 Alabamians are caught in the coverage gap. Working low-wage jobs that often don’t offer health insurance, they earn too much to qualify for Medicaid and too little to afford private insurance. Some are caught because they’re family caregivers, students, waiting for a disability determination, or working part-time. About 120,000 more are stretching to pay for coverage they can’t afford.

Alabama’s working families need health security

They’re the folks who keep things going — the people who serve our food at restaurants, bag our groceries, patch our roofs and repair our cars. They work hard at economically essential jobs that pay low wages. Yet many of these Alabamians have no affordable health coverage option. As a result, they often struggle to work while dealing with health problems that sap their productivity, add stress to their households and worsen without timely care.

A graph that shows the top 9 occupations that would benefit from expanding Medicaid in Alabama and the number of people in each. Food service (fast food workers, cooks, restaurant servers) 28,000. Sales (cashiers, retail salespeople, travel agents) 23,000. Construction (carpenters, laborers, painters) 20,000. Cleaning and maintenance (housekeepers, janitors, landscapers) 18,000. Office and administrative support (hotel desk clerks, office clerks, messengers) 17,000. Production (butchers, laundry workers, tailors) 16,000. Transportation (bus drivers, taxi drivers, parking attendants) 14,000. Personal care and support (barbers, child care workers, personal care aides) 10,000. Installation and repair (mechanics, equipment installers, locksmiths) 6,000. Other jobs 32,000. Source: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analysis of U.S. Census Bureau American Community Surveys, 2013-17.

IN FOCUS

Working Alabamians in the gap

They earn too much to qualify for Medicaid, and they can’t afford employer-based coverage or private insurance. Medicaid expansion would make life better for Alabama’s low-wage workers and strengthen our state’s workforce.

An infographic that breaks down the 58,000 uninsured working men who are caught in Alabama's health coverage gap by occupation: Construction (14,460); food services (8,830); landscaping (3,850); auto industry (1,770); warehousing (1,700); auto repair (1,560); home centers (1,530); animal processing (1,310); retail stores (1,000); security (910); other jobs (21,490).
Source: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analysis of U.S. Census Bureau American Community Surveys, 2013-17

An infographic that breaks down the 50,000 uninsured working women who are caught in Alabama's health coverage gap by occupation: Food services (8,720); building services (2,370); gas stations (1,800); grocery stores (1,670); auto industry (1,490); hotels/motels (1,460); social services (1,370); child care (1,360); schools (1,330); retail (1,250); other jobs (26,980). Source: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analysis of U.S. Census Bureau American Community Surveys, 2013-17.

Alabamians who aren’t formally employed need coverage, too

While it’s helpful to highlight the workers in the coverage gap, it’s equally important not to overlook people who don’t hold formal jobs. There are many reasons people in the coverage gap may not be working a regular job. Health coverage is a work support that helps people gain and maintain employment.

This graphic highlights some categories of people without traditional full-time employment who are caught in Alabama's health coverage gap: Entrepreneurs, contract workers, gig workers, people who work part-time, seasonal or varied work periods, people who care for children or older family members at home, people awaiting an SSI disability determination, people enrolled in school full-time or part-time, people who lack permanent housing and people who are between jobs.


SPOTLIGHT

Meet Kenneth Tyrone King

A portrait of Kenneth Tyrone King.
Like thousands of his fellow Alabamians, Kenneth Tyrone King of Birmingham works without health insurance, doing his best to keep chronic health problems under control. (Photo: Julie Bennett)

Kenneth Tyrone King is an “underemployed” resident of Birmingham, where he lives with his wife and daughter. He chooses the term “underemployed” carefully, as a testament to the difficulty of finding and keeping work in the face of chronic health challenges, including an irregular heartbeat. Volunteer work and community advocacy, including service on the Alabama Arise board, give him a sense of connection and purpose, but they don’t pay the bills.

“Most of the jobs I have are temporary,” he says. “And if they do sustain longer-term, they sometimes just end.”

Kenneth isn’t able to obtain health insurance because the work he can get doesn’t provide it. And he can’t afford coverage through the Marketplace.

“I’m thinking about longevity in life and being here for my daughter and my wife,” Kenneth says. “Hopefully, if I can get employment that would have health benefits, that would offset my concerns about my health overall.”


IN FOCUS

Veterans in the health coverage gap

It’s a common misconception that people who serve in the U.S. military automatically receive lifetime eligibility for health coverage and other benefits. In reality, veterans’ health benefits depend on their length of service, military classification, type of discharge and other factors. Treatment for service-connected conditions has no time-of-service requirement, but other health benefits do.

Active-duty service members and their families receive health coverage through the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). Most also receive “bridge” health insurance coverage in the 180 days before and after their active-duty service. But many Alabama veterans — including many National Guard and Reserve members — return home without military health care for the long term. For the 13,000 Alabama veterans and adult family members who have no military health insurance and can’t afford private plans, the consequences can be dire.

Returning to civilian life can be challenging enough without the added burden of being uninsured. Alabama can show its respect for veterans by giving them the health security they need.

An infographic on Alabama veterans without health coverage. Of the 5,062 veterans with low incomes who lack coverage, 3,250 are men and 1,812 are women. Of the 7,934 low-income adults who live with veterans who lack coverage, 3,231 are men and 4,703 are women. Source: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analysis of U.S. Census Bureau American Community Surveys, 2013-17.

IN FOCUS

Rural Alabamians in the health coverage gap

Almost 65,000 rural Alabamians are caught in the health coverage gap, including nearly 4,000 farmers and farm workers. Inadequate health care funding is fraying Alabama’s rural hospital network.

Two state maps of Alabama showing counties with hospitals providing obstretics. In 1980, the following counties did not have hospitals providing obstetrics: Lamar, Blount, Cleburne, Coosa, Autauga, Lowndes, Butler, Conecuh and Bullock. In 2019, the following counties did not have hospitals providing obstetrics: Franklin, Lawrence, Marion, Winston, Blount, St. Clair, Cherokee, Lamar, Fayette, Pickens, Clay, Cleburne, Randolph, Greene, Hale, Perry, Chilton, Coosa, Chambers, Sumter, Marengo, Autauga, Lowndes, Macon, Bullock, Russell, Choctaw, Wilcox, Washington, Butler, Conecuh, Crenshaw, Pike, Barbour, Dale, Henry and Geneva.Rural hospitals in states that increased Medicaid eligibility and enrollment experienced fewer closures,” a 2018 report by the U.S. Government Accountability Office found. Alabama has lost obstetrical services in 29 counties since 1980. Expanding health coverage would protect Alabama’s rural families, hospitals and communities.

An infographic showing that 8 rural hospitals have closed since 2011, 88% of Alabama's rural hospitals operate in the red and only 16 of Alabama's 54 rural counties have obstetrical services.


Medicaid Matters (Main Section)
How does Medicaid work in Alabama? (Section 1)
How is Medicaid improving coverage? (Section 2)
How can we make Alabama healthier? (Section 4)

 

Medicaid Matters – Section 4: How can we make Alabama healthier?

MEDICAID EXPANSION

What you need to know …

A woman holding an #IamMedicaid sign
(Photo: #IamMedicaid)
  • Medicaid expansion would help hundreds of thousands of Alabamians get the health care they need.
  • States that have expanded Medicaid have seen improvements in infant and maternal mortality and greater access to treatment for mental illness and substance use disorders.
  • Extending coverage would reduce Alabama’s racial health disparities.
  • Medicaid expansion would generate billions of dollars in economic activity and hundreds of millions of dollars in new tax revenues.
  • Expanding health coverage would boost efforts to make Alabama’s prison system more humane, restorative and cost-effective.
  • Medicaid expansion could save hundreds of lives in Alabama every year.

Closing the coverage gap would improve lives

Hundreds of thousands of Alabamians could get the health care they need to survive and thrive if Alabama raised the income limit for Medicaid and allowed coverage for adults who aren’t parents. Medicaid expansion improves lives across a range of health measures, a growing body of research shows. Those areas include better birth outcomes and maternal health, lower overdose rates and improved mental health. Expansion also would increase household financial security and reduce racial health disparities.

A bar graph showing Alabama's current Medicaid eligibilty and eligibility under expansion. Medicaid expansion would bring the eligibilty limit for all adults in Alabama up to 138% of the federal poverty level. Right now, the eligibility limit for parents is at 18% FPL, and the limit for seniors, people with blindness and other disabilites is at 76% FPL. Childless adults without a disability are not eligible right now.

Extending coverage would keep Alabamians healthier

  • Evidence from Medicaid expansion states shows that providing women continuous health coverage before, during and after pregnancy would make a life-saving difference for mothers and babies.
  • Extending Medicaid coverage to adults with low incomes would extend the benefits of ongoing Medicaid reforms to hundreds of thousands more Alabamians. This improvement would give us the tools we need to address the state’s chronic health challenges, making families and our workforce healthier in the process.
  • Research shows that Medicaid expansion increases access to treatment for substance use disorders and significantly strengthens responses to the opioid epidemic.

Medicaid expansion would promote racial equity

A circle graph that shows Alabama's racial/ethnic health coverage gap. 49% of uninsured Alabama residents with low incomes are people of color, while 34% of all Alabamians are people of color.

Alabama’s shameful legacy of segregation and racial discrimination has driven racial health disparities that continue today. Nearly half of uninsured Alabamians with low incomes are people of color, even though people of color make up just one-third of the state’s population. Medicaid expansion would reduce that coverage disparity and increase economic and health security for Alabamians of all racial and ethnic backgrounds.

Medicaid expansion would boost Alabama’s economy and budgets

In the first four years of Alabama’s Medicaid expansion, the federal government would spend $6.7 billion for new health coverage in our state. This direct investment would yield:

An infographic showing a direct investment of $6.7 billion for new health coverage in Alabama would yield $4.6 billion in indirect economic activity, $446 million in new state tax revenues and $270 million in new local tax revenues.Covering adults with low incomes also would save $316 million in current state health program costs. With all these gains, the net cost to the state would be:A bar graph showing that the net state cost of Medicaid expansion would be $168 million in year 1 and $25 million in year 2 and after. Sources: David J. Becker, "Medicaid Expansion in Alabama: Revisiting the Economic Case for Expansion," January 2019; Manatt, "Alabama Medicaid Expansion: Summary of Estimated Costs and Savings, SFYs 2020-2023," February 2019.

IN FOCUS

Medicaid expansion would support prison reform in Alabama

In 2019, the U.S. Department of Justice put Alabama on notice that prison violence and overcrowding will trigger federal intervention if we don’t get the problems under control. Medicaid expansion would make our corrections system more humane, restorative and cost-effective in three ways:

    1. Untreated mental illnesses and substance use disorders are major contributors to over-incarceration in Alabama. By strengthening support for these services, Medicaid expansion would reduce recidivism and help more people stay out of the criminal justice system in the first place.
    2. When a person leaves prison, it’s hard to get a job that offers health coverage. But to get and keep a job, you need to be healthy. Medicaid expansion would provide former inmates the health security they need to join and remain in the workforce.
    3. Federal funding would cover 90% of the cost of expansion. That would slash state costs for hospitalizing prisoners and free up funds for other needed investments in the corrections system.

Medicaid expansion’s biggest win: saving lives

Across the country, Medicaid expansion saved the lives of at least 19,200 Americans aged 55 to 64 over the four-year period from 2014 to 2017. During the same period, 768 older Alabamians with low incomes lost their lives because they lacked health insurance. (Source: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2019)

If all states expanded Medicaid, the lives saved each year among older adults would nearly equal those of all ages saved by seatbelts.

A bar graph showing Medicaid expansion could save nearly as many lives among older adults as seatbelts save among people of all ages. In 2017, 14,955 lives of all ages were saved by seatbelts. 13,330 lives of people ages 55-64 would have been saved by full Medicaid expansion in every state in 2017. 7,500 lives were saved in expansion states, and 5,830 more lives would have been saved in non-expansion states. Source: National Highway and Transportation Safety Administration and Miller et al., "Medicaid and Mortality," 2019.


SPOTLIGHT

Meet Formeeca Tripp

A photo of Formeeca Tripp with her two children.
Formeeca Tripp of Auburn knows firsthand the tough decisions that come with living and working in the coverage gap. (Photo: Julie Bennett)

Formeeca Tripp watched her parents struggle with diabetes and heart disease. She has made efforts to follow a new path. But it hasn’t been easy.

“I have been conditioned to put my health on pause to make sure my children are up to date with all of their health care and mental health needs,” she says.

Formeeca lives in Auburn and is the mother of two children, one of whom was diagnosed with autism. She works full-time as a behavior specialist and part-time as an Uber driver to provide them both with medication they need, sometimes at a great cost to herself. For a long stretch, she fell into the coverage gap. With all her “extra” money spent on her children’s health care needs, Formeeca found herself reporting to work with ailments such as tooth infections and pink eye.

Recently, she gained coverage through her employer’s plan, but many people she knows are not so fortunate. Speaking from her own experience, Formeeca says Alabamians who can’t afford health insurance often work in public-facing jobs.

“It’s the people who are working with the sick and elderly, working with your babies,” she said. “It’s us, out here, hands on, making food, cleaning houses — it’s that gap of people, very important people. People who come into contact with thousands of other people. And you don’t want them to be healthy?”


Medicaid Matters (Main Section)
How does Medicaid work in Alabama? (Section 1)
How is Medicaid improving coverage? (Section 2)
Who’s still left out of health coverage? (Section 3)

Enhanced child care funding makes life better for Alabama’s children and families

Quality, affordable child care is essential for families seeking to escape poverty and participate in employment, education and training activities. The Child Care and Development Block Grant (CCDBG), a federally funded program that subsidizes care for low and moderate-income parents of young children, provides critical funding for affordable child care.

In Alabama, CCDBG funds are administered by the Department of Human Resources (DHR). The agency also administers the closely related Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) cash assistance program. Congress reauthorized the CCDBG in 2014 and included significant quality improvement goals for states. In 2018, Congress provided a historic CCDBG funding increase, allowing DHR to serve more Alabama children in higher-quality settings.

The importance of federal child care funding in Alabama

Federal CCDBG funding has increased, allowing Alabama to expand access to child care and improve quality. In 2017, Alabama received $53.2 million in discretionary CCDBG funds from Congress. The 2018 federal funding increase grew Alabama’s CCDBG grant to $93.9 million – a 76.5% increase.

Alabama faces deadlines to obligate and expend federal funds. Like other states, Alabama must obligate 2018 federal CCDBG dollars by Sept. 30, 2019, and expend those dollars by Sept. 30, 2020. Alabama is on track to meet the obligation and spending deadlines and anticipates no problem obligating or spending the grant.[1]

The additional CCDBG money was enormously important for child care in Alabama. The state does not provide any child care funding, except for the required match for the federal Child Care Entitlement to States grant, and does not use federal TANF funds for child care.[2] Alabama includes state-appropriated funds for pre-K education as a portion of its TANF maintenance of effort (MOE) obligation. But these funds were not, and could not be, supplanted with additional federal dollars.

How Alabama is using new CCDBG funding

Alabama used its new federal dollars to make investments that benefit children, families, workers and communities. The funding increase allowed Alabama to expand child care access and come into compliance with the 2014 reauthorization law. The state also made numerous improvements to its subsidized child care system.

According to officials and contractors with DHR,[1] the state has:

1. Eliminated the waiting list for child care slots. In 2017, Alabama provided child care subsidies to slightly more than 38,000 children. In April 2019, 42,000 children received subsidies, and slots remain available for more children.[3] The state’s regional Child Care Management Agencies, which determine eligibility for subsidies and help enroll children, are actively using social media and word of mouth to recruit new children.[1] Eligible families now can access care within one week of application.[1]

2. Increased initial subsidy eligibility from 100% of the federal poverty level (FPL) to 130%. That income is about $28,000 a year for a family of three.

3. Eliminated all copays that were less than $18 per month. This essentially eliminated copays for all families with income below the FPL.[1]

4. Increased provider rates twice.[1] Alabama now reimburses providers beginning at 70% of fair market rates. That is a significant increase over the prior reimbursement rates ranging from 14% to 40% of fair market rates. While this does not reach the federally recommended base level of 75%, it is a major improvement over prior years.

5. Allowed training and technical assistance providers, such as Childcare Resources in Birmingham and the Family Guidance Center in Montgomery, to offer training to workers at faith-based exempt facilities, schools, YMCAs and other exempt centers.[1] These providers also were able to increase bonuses paid to workers who participate in on-the-job training.

6. Increased scholarships for child care workers studying early childhood education, including scholarships up to the bachelor’s level.

7. Increased child care for recently unemployed parents to 90 days (up from 30 days) while they seek new jobs. DHR is planning a program that would include unemployed parents in workforce development so they will not lose child care after the 90-day period ends.

8. Expanded Help Me Grow, a referral and case-management system for children ages birth through 8, including more referrals to child care and to other health and developmental services, such as obesity prevention.[1]

9. Expanded the First Five program, which teaches parents and child care workers best practices for promoting social and emotional development of young children.

Disparities and barriers to child care access in Alabama

Alabama has significant racial and ethnic disparities in who receives child care assistance. In 2016 (the latest data available), 79% of children receiving child care subsidies were African American.[4] This is significantly higher than the national rate of 39%, as reported by the Center on Law and Social Policy (CLASP).[5] Approximately 29.5% of Alabama children are African American, and their poverty rate is more than twice that for whites. This is a major driver of the racial disparity in receipt of child care assistance.

Alabama is among the bottom five states in the share of eligible Hispanic children receiving child care subsidies, CLASP found. The state provides child care assistance to only 1% of potentially eligible Hispanic children.[5]

Providers suggested language barriers, fear of immigration enforcement, lack of knowledge of the availability of child care subsidies, and reliance on care by family members contribute to low participation among Hispanic families. Past outreach efforts by community-based Hispanic organizations have been unsuccessful. But efforts to encourage Hispanic parents to apply for family care subsidies are expanding and may help increase participation.[1]

Who would benefit from greater eligibility for subsidized child care?

More Alabama children are now eligible for subsidies, but there is room for further growth. Federal law sets the maximum income for receipt of a child care subsidy at 85% of a state’s median family income (MFI). At this level, 258,662 Alabama children were income-eligible for subsidized child care in 2016, CLASP reports.[5]

Like most states, Alabama sets eligibility for subsidized child care below the federal maximum. Prior to the receipt of new federal funds, Alabama set eligibility at 100% FPL. But after the new funds became available, Alabama raised eligibility to 130% FPL.

Based on that standard, 139,950 Alabama children are now eligible for subsidies, according to CLASP. If Alabama increased the subsidy eligibility standard to 85% MFI, an additional 118,712 children would become eligible for a subsidy.

In April 2019, Alabama provided child care subsidies to approximately 42,000 children, or 35% of kids who are income-eligible at 130% FPL. This is a significant increase from both 2016, when 32,651 children received subsidies, and 2017, when 38,025 children were served.[6]

While more slots are available to serve children beyond the current 42,000, federal funding is still not enough to serve all children in the state eligible at 130% FPL, according to DHR.[1] Absent additional federal funding or new state funding for child care, another increase in the eligibility standard is unlikely.

Affordable child care helps families make ends meet

Most Alabama families have a hard time meeting basic needs, including child care. Children in Alabama whose family income is less than 130% FPL are eligible for subsidized child care. (For a family of three, 130% FPL is $27,729 annually.)

Nowhere in Alabama does the cost of a modest standard of living fall below the cap for subsidized child care. The Economic Policy Institute’s Family Budget Calculator[7] estimates that the annual cost of living for two adults and one child in Huntsville is $63,360, including $430 per month for child care. In Selma, meanwhile, the annual estimated cost of living for the same family size is $56,695, including $387 per month for child care. And in Dothan, the annual estimated cost is $61,005, including $414 per month for child care.

The geography of child care access in Alabama

The share of young children Alabama’s child care market can serve is inadequate and varies widely by geography. No congressional district in Alabama has enough child care slots to serve every child under age 6 in the district, according to the Center for American Progress.[8] (See the table below.)

The lack of slots is particularly severe in some districts in north and central Alabama. The 4th Congressional District has only enough licensed child care slots to serve 20% of potentially eligible children. And the neighboring 6th Congressional District has only enough slots to serve 19% of potentially eligible children.

Both the 4th and 6th Districts have a disproportionate number of unlicensed, faith-based centers, a challenge discussed below.[1] Large areas of both districts are also economic suburbs of Birmingham, which is largely in the 7th Congressional District. Interviews with providers suggested residents of these counties might prefer child care facilities near their jobs rather than their homes.[1]

Providers interviewed suggested several changes that could increase the availability of care. These include increased subsidies for family day care homes and kinship care and higher reimbursement rates for center care, especially at initial certification.

State child care administrators also agree that more providers are needed, particularly in areas near U.S. 80, which runs through the 2nd, 3rd and 7th Congressional Districts in Alabama’s Black Belt.[1] They believe the state has a critical need for day care homes, centers offering non-traditional hours, centers that can provide infant and toddler care, and providers who can care for children with special needs.

Availability of licensed child care by Alabama congressional district

Alabama congressional district   Children    under 6 Percentage of  children under 6 in poverty Number of licensed         child care slots Share of young  children that market can serve
1    51,900 23%  16,316 31%
2    49,400 23%  19,928 40%
3    49,700 21%  14,077 28%
4    48,600 28%  9,676 20%
5    49,000 22%  15,100 31%
6    52,000 10%  9,828 19%
7    49,900 34%  20,600 41%

The child care shortage in rural Alabama

Alabama has a shortage of group and family child care homes, and this shortage is getting worse. Ninety-five percent of children are now served in child care centers, while only 3% are served in child care homes. And the number of child care homes continues to decline as providers retire.

This is a serious problem in rural counties, particularly in the Black Belt. In many such areas, the number of children needing care is too small and too isolated to support larger centers, and children could be better served in homes with three to 12 children. Rural areas also would benefit from an expansion of subsidized relative care, which is available in all 67 counties but not widely known.[1]

Alabama’s child care licensure deadline

Until a recent change in state law, Alabama exempted religiously affiliated providers from licensure. In 2017, 53% of child care facilities were licensed, while 42% were unlicensed due to religious affiliation.[9] (The other 5% were exempt from licensure for other reasons.)

In 2018, the Alabama Legislature passed HB 76, which required facilities receiving state or federal dollars to be licensed by Aug. 1, 2019. But as of June 2019, nearly 250 faith-affiliated centers, out of a total of 834, had not yet been licensed.

Both the state and technical assistance providers expressed concern that these facilities might not achieve licensure by the deadline and thereby might become ineligible for subsidies. This could result in a loss of slots for subsidized children – or a loss of entire facilities.

The need for quality improvements and new technology

Alabama has a tiered Quality Rating and Improvement System (QRIS) in place. But there is a lack of participation by centers, especially at the higher tiers. This appears to be because increases to provider rate reimbursements per tier are not sufficient to cover the cost of the service improvement.

Interviewees cited the need for increases in reimbursement rates and incentives for quality improvements. They also said more training incentives for center employees and aggressive outreach to providers are needed, along with greater consumer understanding of the importance of the QRIS.[1]

The 2014 CCDBG reauthorization requires extensive reporting of information on the Alabama DHR website. DHR’s computer system is well over 20 years old, creating service delivery problems for many programs they operate. So updating the system will be challenging and expensive, particularly in light of Alabama’s chronic underfunding of human services.

New criminal background checks required by the 2014 reauthorization pose a similar technology problem. These checks are a significant expense: $45 to $50 per background check for more than 15,000 child care facility employees. Data incompatibility between the National Crime Information Center and the Alabama Law Enforcement Agency has led Alabama to request a waiver of this mandate. The state is seeking bids from vendors for this service, but as with the state’s computer system, the cost is expected to be considerable.

A lingering challenge: low pay for child care workers

Low wages for child care workers, most of whom do not earn a living wage, is a serious problem. Many child care center employees are themselves eligible for a subsidy for their own children. A key quality improvement lies in education and training for child care workers, and Alabama has committed considerable resources to training and education subsidies up to the bachelor’s level.

But low wages in traditional child care drive many of the best educated and trained teachers to apply for jobs in K-12 schools, where wages are much higher and benefits, including health insurance and retirement, are much better. Technical assistance providers stressed that salaries and benefits for child care employees needed to reflect those of early childhood teachers in public schools, both for equity and retention of newly trained workers.

Conclusion

Maintenance of federal CCDBG funding at the 2018 level is critical for continued progress in the provision of child care for low- and moderate-income children in Alabama. Increased funding would allow Alabama to expand the number of children who receive assistance by increasing income eligibility to 85% of median family income. It also would allow Alabama to increase per-child subsidies to programs. And that would improve the incomes of child care teachers and the retention of well-qualified and educated teachers.

Footnotes

[1] Interviews conducted by the report author May 24, 2019, through June 4, 2019, with Kathy Camp, program director, Family Guidance Center; Bernard Houston, administrator of child care services and workforce development, DHR; Candice Keller, program manager for subsidy, DHR; Gail Piggott, executive director, Alabama Partnership for Children; Walter White, executive director, Family Guidance Center; and Joan Wright, executive director, Childcare Resources

[2] ACF/HHS, FY 2017 Federal TANF & State MOE Financial Data

[3] Alabama Department of Human Resources, 2017 Annual Report and April 2019 Monthly Statistical Report

[4] ACF/HHS Office of Child Care, FY 2016 Final Data, Table 12a-Average Monthly Percent of Children in Care by Race and Ethnicity

[5] Rebecca Ullrich, Stephanie Schmit & Ruth Cosse, “Inequitable Access to Child Care Subsidies,” Center on Law and Social Policy, April 2019

[6] Alabama Department of Human Resources, Annual Report 2016 and Annual Report 2017

[7] Economic Policy Institute, Family Budget Calculator

[8] Center for American Progress Early Childhood News, “Child Care Supply by Congressional District,” April 10, 2019

[9] ACF/HHS Child Care and Development Fund, Preliminary Data Tables, FY 2017

References

Alabama Department of Human Resources, Annual Statistical Reports, 2017 and 2018

Alabama Department of Human Resources, “Child Care Fact Sheet,” Oct. 1, 2018

Alabama Department of Human Resources, FY 2019-2021 Alabama CCDF State Plan

Alabama Department of Human Resources, State of Alabama Provider Rate Chart, Oct. 1, 2018

Patti Banghart, Carlise King, Anne Partika, and Victoria Perkins, “State Policies for Assessing Access: Analysis of 2016-2018 Child Care Development Plans,” The Early Childhood Data Collaborative, March 2018

Center on Law and Social Policy, “Budget Deal Includes Unprecedented Investment in Child Care,” February 2018

Nina Chien, “Factsheet: Estimates of Child Care Eligibility & Receipt for Fiscal Year 2015,” Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, HHS, January 2019

Hannah Matthews, Karen Schulman, Julie Vogtman, Christine Johnson-Staub, and Helen Blank, “Implementing the Child Care and Development Block Grant Reauthorization: A Guide for States,” Center on Law and Social Policy and National Women’s Law Center, June 2017

National Women’s Law Center, “Child Care and Development Fund Plans FY 2016-2018: State Waivers and Corrective Actions,” August 2016

Douglas Rice, Stephanie Schmit, and Hannah Matthews, “Child Care and Housing: Big Expenses with Too Little Help Available,” Center on Law and Social Policy, April 29, 2019

Rebecca Ullrich, Stephanie Schmit & Ruth Cosse, “Inequitable Access to Child Care Subsidies,” Center on Law and Social Policy, April 2019

Broke: How payday lenders crush Alabama communities

Alabama Arise and Alabama Appleseed Center for Law and Justice teamed up to produce this report on the history, financial effects and human impact of high-cost payday lending in our state.

The report highlights and executive summary are below. Click here to read the full report, or click the “Download” button at the top of this post.

Report highlights

  • Under state law, payday lenders can charge up to 456 percent APR.
  • More than 1.7 million payday loans were taken out in Alabama in 2018. Averaged out, that’s more than 32,000 payday loans per week.
  • More than 200,000 Alabamians take out a payday loan every year.
  • Every year, Alabama borrowers pay more than $100 million in payday loan fees that do not decrease the principal amount owed.
  • About 85 percent of payday loan borrowers in Alabama take out multiple loans in a year.
  • 16 states and the District of Columbia have passed APR rate caps that keep pay­day lenders out, meaning that 95 million Americans live in communities without pay­day lending. Follow-up studies have shown that access to credit was not significantly impacted for former payday borrowers in these states, who have turned to other means of credit at lower cost.
  • More than half of Alabamians support banning payday lending (52.5 percent).
  • 73.6 percent of Alabamians support a 36 percent APR cap on payday loans.
  • 74.1 percent of Alabamians support extending payday loan terms to 30 days.

Executive summary

There are more payday and title lenders in Alabama than hospitals, high schools, mov­ie theaters and county courthouses combined. Their business model depends on churning a profit out of desperate, finan­cially fragile customers. Alabama provides them with plenty. About 18.5 percent of peo­ple in Alabama live at or below the poverty line, which is $24,257 for a family of four, making us America’s sixth poorest state.

More than three-fourths of American workers report living paycheck to paycheck with little or no savings, making payday lenders a tempting option for many people with financial emergencies. But in Alabama they hurt more than they help. Payday lenders are responsible for bringing financial hard­ship to hundreds of thousands of Alabami­ans and their families every year, swooping in to extract profits from the struggles of hard-working people. Unless the state Leg­islature decides to act, the scourge of preda­tory payday loans will continue to decimate family budgets and local economies.

The Consumer Financial Protection Bu­reau defines a payday loan as “a short-term, high-cost loan, generally for $500 or less, that is typically due on your next payday.” These loans are not hard to get: all a prospective bor­rower must do is provide proof of income and not exceed $500 in total payday loan princi­pals at any given time. There is no assessment of the borrower’s ability to repay the loan, nor are there credit checks. Borrowers are asked to write a post-dated check for the full amount of the loan plus $17.50 per $100 bor­rowed. Once they sign the check and a con­tract, the deal is done — sometimes in mere minutes. Across Alabama, nearly 5,000 pay­day loans are taken out every single day.

Though made out to be easy and fast, for most borrowers, these loans create long-term damage. The loans are not designed to be used as advertised. The fine print on pay­day loans includes annual percentage rates (APR) up to 456 percent. With astronom­ical rates like that, “small-dollar,” “short-term” loans frequently become expensive, multi-year burdens for Alabamians. And because we know that 85 percent of payday loans are taken out to cover emergencies or bills like rent, groceries or utilities, we know that these long-term burdens are only mak­ing hard times harder for families across the state. When these lenders sap our neigh­bors’ household budgets and drain money from our local economies, we all lose.

In 16 states and the District of Colum­bia, rate caps prevent payday lenders from operating. This includes our pro-business, Southern neighbors of Georgia, North Car­olina and Arkansas. There are 95 million Americans who live in communities where payday lending is no longer permitted, and if current trends continue, that number will only grow as more states protect their residents from these deceptive financial products. So far, Alabama has not. As a result, the state has the third highest concentration of payday lenders in the nation, and the payday lending industry extracts more than $100 million from the pockets of low- and middle-income Alabama borrow­ers every year in loan fees.

Predatory lending is a highly prof­itable activity. Over the next decade, lenders are on pace to take more than a billion dollars out of Alabama. Most of that total will be siphoned out of neighborhoods and communities bad­ly in need of those dollars. The money will flow to out-of-state companies headquartered in states like Ohio, Illi­nois, Kansas and South Carolina, and it will deepen the economic difficulties of the Alabamians left behind.

This report brings together pay­day loan usage data for the state of Al­abama (2015-2018), statewide public opinion polling data, and interviews with borrowers, direct service providers and faith leaders across the state. We found a lending system that has harmed tornado victims, families with disabled children, vet­erans, and a mother with a good job who just needed her car repaired.

The overwhelming majority of Alabam­ians want to see payday lending either sig­nificantly reformed or banned from our state entirely. It is time for lawmakers to listen to the voices of their constituents and address the harms caused by predatory payday lenders.

Full report

Click here to read the full report, or click the “Download” button at the top of this post.

The impact of Alabama’s proposed Medicaid work requirement on low-income families with children

Alabama is seeking federal permission through a Section 1115 Medicaid demonstration waiver to require parents and caregivers who rely on Medicaid to work 20 to 35 hours a week, prove they are looking or training for a job or do community service before receiving Medicaid. This proposal targets the very poorest and most vulnerable families with children in Alabama – many of whom will lose their health coverage, according to a new report by Arise Citizens’ Policy Project and the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families.

Alabama’s proposed work requirement and subsequent coverage losses would disproportionately affect mothers, African Americans and families living in rural communities. Many of these women will likely become uninsured, as employer-sponsored insurance for low-wage workers is sparse.

The proposal creates a Catch-22: Any parent working the 20 to 35 hours required would make too much money to qualify for Medicaid — but likely not enough to afford private insurance. An analysis of the state’s estimates finds that 8,700 parents would be removed from Medicaid in the first year alone. When their parents lose health coverage, children suffer. The families face increased debt, and children are less likely to visit the doctor regularly and more likely to become uninsured themselves. Children in these families are already disproportionately uninsured.

The State of Working Alabama 2014: Health coverage in Alabama: Where we’ve succeeded and where there’s work to do

Alabama has enjoyed great success in recent decades in ensuring that children and seniors have the health protection they need, according to a new Arise Citizens’ Policy Project report issued Tuesday as part of The State of Working Alabama 2014. But the state lags behind the nation when it comes to insuring young adults, nearly 30 percent of whom lack health coverage.

“Child care, construction and food service are essential jobs that are often low-paying, and the people who do that important work deserve the protection of health insurance,” ACPP policy director Jim Carnes said. “The Marketplace makes affordable coverage available for tens of thousands of Alabamians. Closing the coverage gap would insure hundreds of thousands more. It’s time for our state to take this important step toward a healthier, more secure Alabama for all.”