Risk of education, General Fund cuts remains after shortened Alabama legislative session

Funding for education, health care and other vital services is deeply uncertain as Alabama’s revenues plummet during the COVID-19 recession. In May, lawmakers enacted 2021 Education Trust Fund (ETF) and General Fund (GF) budgets that are larger than this year’s. But as consumer spending falls and massive unemployment persists, the Legislature will reevaluate those plans at hearings in early July.

Alabama’s bleak financial picture likely will force lawmakers to return for a special session later this summer or fall. And that’s far from the only subject they should address.

The pandemic has brought new urgency to the need to reduce overcrowding in state prisons, where social distancing is impossible. It has shown why legislators should undo harmful limits they imposed on unemployment insurance (UI) eligibility last year. And it has put unprecedented strain on our state’s health care infrastructure, particularly hospitals and clinics serving rural Alabamians. Medicaid expansion would provide financial stability for many of these facilities, helping them stay open during the pandemic and beyond.

A lost session

COVID-19 tore out the heart of the regular session, forcing lawmakers to stop meeting for more than a month. When they returned, they had just two weeks to finalize ETF and GF budgets. With most House Democrats staying home due to coronavirus concerns, legislative leaders limited the agenda to budgets and local bills.

Alabama Arise legislative affairs coordinator David Stout talks to a small group of Legislative Day attendees Feb. 25, 2020, during one of the day’s informal breakout sessions.

That decision temporarily slowed momentum for Arise’s push to untax groceries. Before the session paused, about 200 people came to Montgomery for Arise Legislative Day on Feb. 25. Our members urged legislators to end the state sales tax on groceries while protecting education funding. The proposal would replace grocery tax revenue by limiting Alabama’s income tax deduction for federal income tax payments. Our supporters also advocated for Medicaid expansion and public transportation funding.

Whenever the Legislature returns, Arise will be there promoting policies to make life better for struggling Alabamians. Check our website and follow us on Facebook and Twitter for updates.

You’re invited to Arise’s Town Hall Tuesdays!

Arise’s statewide online summer listening sessions are a chance to hear what’s happening on key state policy issues and share your vision for our 2021 policy agenda. Register now to help identify emerging issues and inform our work to build a better Alabama.

We’d love to see you at any or all of these sessions! Registration is required, so please register at the link under each description.

June 23rd, 6 p.m. Money talks

How can we strengthen education, health care, child care and other services that help Alabamians make ends meet? And how can we fund those services more equitably? Click here to register for this session.

July 7th, 6 p.m. Justice for all

We’ll discuss Alabama’s unjust criminal justice system – and how to fix it. Click here to register for this session.

July 21st, 6 p.m. Getting civic

How can we protect voting rights and boost Census responses during a pandemic? Click here to register for this session.

August 4th, 6 p.m. Shared prosperity

Policy solutions can boost opportunity and protect families from economic exploitation. Click here to register for this session.

August 18th, 6 p.m. Feeding our families

How can we increase household food security during and after the recession? Click here to register for this session.

September 1st, 6 p.m. Closing the coverage gap

Join the Cover Alabama Coalition to discuss how you can help expand Medicaid. Click here to register for this session.

Alabama must tear down the legacies of slavery and segregation

The monument stood in Birmingham for decades as a twisted tribute to Alabama’s original sins: slavery and white supremacy. It “honored” a violent rebellion that sought to protect the enslavement of human beings. During segregation and Jim Crow and civil rights protests and into the 21st century, it served as a daily 52-foot-tall reminder of the systemic oppression and persecution of Black Alabamians.

That monument is finally gone now. After protests, the city pulled it down June 1, on a state holiday named for the political leader of the rebellion it commemorated. Removing physical symbols of slavery and segregation is an important step toward healing and recovery, but it’s not enough. We also must tear down prejudices, disparities and injustices that trace their roots to these oppressive and racist practices. To do that, Alabama must enact public policies that undermine white supremacy and promote dignity, equity and justice for everyone.

The need for racial justice

For more than 30 years, Alabama Arise has worked to make life better for struggling Alabamians through better public policy. It’s impossible to do that work effectively without acknowledging and challenging our state’s historical and ongoing racial inequities. There can be no economic or social justice without racial justice. And as scholar Ibram X. Kendi said, policy cannot be merely non-racist; it must be anti-racist. That’s why we’re committed to placing racial equity and inclusion at the core of our work.

Black Alabamians have battled generation after generation of discriminatory barriers to education, jobs, housing and voting. Compounding those barriers is a criminal justice system that polices Black people more heavily, arrests them more often and condemns them to harsher sentences in dangerously overcrowded prisons and jails.

For centuries, Black people have suffered from police brutality and unequal treatment from law enforcement. This history has fueled protests across the country and around the world over the last week. Arise stands in solidarity with calls to stop killing Black people and start building a world that’s safe for everyone.

All of these systemic failures have added together to produce a series of terrible, ongoing disparities. Black people in our state face higher rates of poverty and hunger, lower life expectancies and lower rates of employment and health insurance coverage.

Policy changes to break down harmful barriers

These are institutional failures that require policy solutions. Here a few ways lawmakers can help break down barriers to opportunity and justice:

  • Expand Medicaid to cover adults with low incomes. Expansion would ensure health coverage for more than 340,000 Alabamians who are uninsured or barely paying for insurance they can’t really afford. It also would attack a fundamental injustice: People of color make up about 34% of our state’s population, but nearly half of all uninsured Alabamians with low incomes are people of color. Lack of affordable health coverage deprives Black people of timely care for cancer, diabetes, heart disease and other serious conditions. As the disproportionately high share of coronavirus deaths among Black Alabamians shows, health care access is literally a matter of life or death.
  • Invest more in public education. Alabama’s state funding for K-12 and higher education, adjusted for inflation, is lower today than it was in 2008. This chronic underfunding hits many schools that primarily serve Black students especially hard.
  • Equitably distribute funding for affordable housing and public transportation. Alabama has trust funds for both but hasn’t funded them yet. Lawmakers should fund public transportation to help everyone get to work, school and other places they need to go. Alabama should support the Housing Trust Fund to ensure people living in deep poverty have safe shelter. Our state also should commit to eliminating redlining, fighting housing discrimination and proactively reducing residential segregation.
  • Overhaul the criminal justice system and the death penalty. Areas with large Black populations often see a larger police presence. The weight of harsh sentences and criminal justice debt falls more heavily on these Alabamians as a result. Lawmakers should reform sentencing laws and ease the crushing burden of exorbitant fines and fees. They also need to end abuses of civil asset forfeiture and eliminate racial injustice in the state’s death penalty system.
  • Strengthen and expand voting rights. Voting barriers should find no home in the heart of the Civil Rights Movement. Automatic voter registration, no-excuse absentee voting and same-day registration are a few changes that would make voting more accessible. Alabama also should ease barriers to voting rights restoration.
  • Raise the minimum wage and restore home rule to localities. Alabama is one of only five states with no minimum wage law. Birmingham tried to raise its minimum wage in 2016, but state lawmakers blocked that effort. The Legislature has that power due to the 1901 state constitution, whose authors explicitly said the document aimed to “establish white supremacy in this state.” Alabama should lift constitutional barriers to home rule and allow local governments to make decisions in their own communities.

A better, more inclusive future for Alabama

Undoing the legacies of slavery and segregation in Alabama will require more than reassuring words and vague platitudes. It will require substantive policy changes to break down centuries-old barriers and ensure all Alabamians have a chance to reach their full potential.

Many of these changes – and others not mentioned above – won’t be easy. Some of them may not happen quickly. But we must keep advocating and working toward the day when they will. The road to dignity, equity and justice for all Alabamians remains a long one. But walking together and working together, we can and will reach that destination.

Arise legislative update: May 21, 2020

Alabama legislators ended the regular session this week by enacting education and General Fund budgets for 2021. But as the COVID-19 downturn hammers state tax revenues, we fear lawmakers’ optimism surrounding these budgets could be misplaced. Arise’s Carol Gundlach explains why the Legislature likely will return for one or more special sessions later this year to revisit the budgets and address other issues.

 

 

Protection from predatory lenders should be part of Alabama’s COVID-19 response

While COVID-19 forces Alabamians to deal with health concerns, job losses and drastic disruption of everyday life, predatory lenders stand ready to take advantage of their misfortune. Our state policymakers should act to protect borrowers before these harmful loans make the pandemic’s financial devastation even worse.

The volume of high-cost payday loans, which can carry annual percentage rates (APRs) of 456% in Alabama, has decreased temporarily during the COVID-19 pandemic. But that is simply because payday lenders require a person to have a job to get a loan. The national unemployment rate jumped to nearly 15% in April, and it may be higher than 20% now. In a sad twist, job losses are the only thing separating some Alabamians from financial ruin due to payday loans.

Title loans: A different kind of financial poison

As payday loan numbers have dropped, some borrowers probably have shifted to auto title loans instead. But title loans are just a different, and arguably even worse, kind of financial poison.

Like payday lenders, title lenders can charge triple-digit rates – up to 300% APR. But title lenders also use a borrower’s car title as collateral for the loan. If a borrower can’t repay, the lender can keep the vehicle’s whole value, even if it exceeds the amount owed.

The scope of this problem in our state is unknown. Alabama has a statewide payday loan database, but no similar reporting requirements exist for title lenders. That means the public has no way to know how many people are stuck in title loan debt traps.

Title lenders in Alabama don’t require people to be employed to take out a loan with their vehicle as collateral. People who have lost their jobs and feel they lack other options can find themselves paying exorbitant interest rates. And they can lose the transportation they need to perform daily tasks and provide for their families.

Federal and state governments can and should protect borrowers

Long after people who lost their jobs return to work, the financial damage from the pandemic will linger. Bills will pile up, and temporary protections against evictions and mortgage foreclosures likely will disappear. Some struggling Alabamians will turn to high-cost payday or title loans in desperation to pay for rent or utilities. If nothing changes, many of them will end up pulled into financial quicksand, spiraling into deep debt with no bottom.

State and federal governments both can provide protections to prevent this outcome. At the federal level, Congress should include the Veterans and Consumers Fair Credit Act (VCFCA) in its next COVID-19 response. The VCFCA would cap payday loan rates at 36% APR for veterans and all other consumers. This is the same cap now in effect under the Military Lending Act for active-duty military personnel and their families.

At the state level, Alabama needs to increase transparency and give borrowers more time to repay. A good first step would be to require title lenders to operate under the same reporting duties that payday lenders do. Enacting the 30 Days to Pay bill or a similar measure would be another meaningful consumer protection.

The Legislature had an opportunity before the pandemic hit Alabama this year to pass 30 Days to Pay legislation. SB 58, sponsored by Sen. Arthur Orr, R-Decatur, would have guaranteed borrowers 30 days to repay payday loans, up from as few as 10 days under current law. But the Senate Banking and Insurance Committee, chaired by Shay Shelnutt, R-Trussville, voted 8-6 against the bill early in the session.

That narrow vote came after the committee canceled a planned public hearing without advance notice. It also happened on a day when Orr was unavailable to speak on the bill’s behalf.

Alabamians want consumer protections

Despite the Legislature’s inaction, the people of Alabama strongly support reform of these harmful loans. Nearly three in four Alabamians want to extend payday loan terms and limit their rates. More than half support banning payday lending entirely.

The COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare many deficiencies in past state policy decisions. And Alabama’s lack of meaningful consumer protections continues to harm thousands of people every year. The Legislature has the opportunity and the obligation to fix these past mistakes. Our state officials should protect Alabamians, not the profit margins of abusive out-of-state companies.

Community eligibility ensures future success of Alabama’s child nutrition programs

Even during “normal” times, one in four Alabama children goes to bed each night uncertain where they’ll get their next meal. Sadly, the COVID-19 economic downturn has likely pushed that number higher.

Most days, hungry children can look forward to school meals to help keep them fed. But school closures amid the pandemic have disrupted this lifeline. Fortunately, several changes are helping, and the Community Eligibility Provision (CEP) is making those changes work even better.

How community eligibility helps replace lost school meals

Soon after the closures, schools across Alabama started revamping food plans to provide meals for on-site pickup and even delivery. It’s a job easier said than done. The COVID-19 Child Nutrition Response Act, passed in early March, allowed the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) to loosen its rules for school meal programs. But many communities found it difficult to manage the logistics, especially when it came to confirming family eligibility. As a result, access to the meals was inconsistent from one district to the next.

CEP participation played a big role in determining which programs worked best. CEP is a federal option available to schools and districts where at least 40% of students meet the family income requirement for free and reduced-price meals. Eligible schools can use this option to serve breakfast and lunch at no cost to all of their students.

Alabama schools that implemented CEP before 2020 avoided the time-consuming steps of verifying eligibility for each family and documenting the process for fee-based reimbursement. This allowed them to switch more easily to “non-congregate” food plans, or individual distribution of meals and snacks. With CEP, school child nutrition administrators only have to submit the number of meals served for reimbursement.

Since CEP became available five years ago, 360 Alabama schools have joined the program. Still, in 2019, more than 100 eligible schools had failed to adopt the streamlining. In non-emergency times, CEP eliminates the hurdle of processing school meal applications. And it removes the “free and reduced-price meals” classification from the lunch line altogether. This relieves students from social distinctions that can lead to teasing, stereotyping and outright shaming.

A firm foundation for emergency response

COVID-19 has highlighted the need to strengthen safety net programs supporting health and childhood nutrition throughout Alabama. Pandemic EBT (P-EBT), a newly available option administered by the state Department of Human Resources and Department of Education, addresses the disruption of services by issuing direct cash benefits to families participating in free or reduced-price school meals or the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). This includes households in high-poverty schools that provide meals to all students through CEP.

Alabama quickly sought and received federal approval to implement P-EBT. It was a remarkable example of state agencies coming together to fortify safety net programs during turbulent times. P-EBT soon will succeed in supplementing on-site school meal distribution – and even more can be done. Advocates are calling on federal lawmakers to increase SNAP benefits by 15% and extend P-EBT benefits through the summer.

While many of these initiatives are new and trail-blazing, CEP is proving to be a firm foundation for emergency response. What may have just seemed like an option for delivering the National School Lunch Program before this pandemic is now a proven measure for swiftly supporting food-insecure areas during times of greater need.

On the whole, our schools and supporting community organizations have done a remarkable job of continuing food service during an emergency that has blocked access to conventional learning spaces – and for too many children, access to their only guaranteed meal of the day. But we must do more than merely respond to potential emergent tragedies.

Gov. Kay Ivey should use her authority as chairwoman of the State Board of Education to recommend that all eligible schools and districts adopt CEP. Ivey should start by urging superintendents to complete a CEP application for all eligible Alabama schools by Aug. 1, 2020.

Pandemic EBT keeps Alabama children fed when school meals aren’t an option

The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted the lives of nearly every Alabama family, including families with school-aged children. All of a sudden, parents have to double as teachers, coaches and lunchroom cooks and servers.

Parents with low incomes are also stretching limited grocery dollars to replace meals that their children normally got at school – often at no cost. As a result, the number of families with young children struggling to put food on the table has increased astonishingly. Two in five such households are in that precarious situation nationally.

Children lost more than school when schools closed

When Alabama schools shut down in mid-March, some schools offered drive-through meal service providing several days of sack lunches and snacks. Summer food program providers jumped into gear, starting their meal services months early.

Despite these valiant efforts, grab-and-go lunches and summer food programs simply don’t have the capacity to replace traditional school meals. School meals reach nearly all school-aged children. Grab-and-go lunches and summer food programs, however, offer meals to only around 14% of school-aged children. This leaves parents with additional food costs as the economy tanks and hundreds of thousands of people lose their jobs.

Congress and Alabama acted quickly to feed hungry children

Public school closures threatened to create a hunger epidemic among children living in households with low incomes. Congress responded to this risk by including the Pandemic EBT (P-EBT) program in the Families First Coronavirus Relief Act. Alabama became one of the first states in the South, and seventh in the nation, to apply successfully for P-EBT.

P-EBT is a joint venture of the Alabama Department of Education, which administers school meals, and the Department of Human Resources (DHR), which administers the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). P-EBT provides many families of school-aged children with a debit-like card called an electronic benefit transfer, or EBT, card. This card is loaded with the value of each child’s school meals from March 18 to May 31.

Streamlined eligibility means no application is required

P-EBT eligibility is automatic for any family participating in SNAP or with school-aged children getting free or reduced-price school meals. Parents don’t have to apply or go to DHR to get the assistance. If parents receive a letter about P-EBT, they need only to return it with the requested information to receive benefits.

Participants can spend P-EBT benefits at any grocery store or other store that accepts SNAP. They also can use benefits for online orders if the store lets people use SNAP assistance to order groceries online to pick up at the store.

Most families who participate in SNAP already have received an additional deposit onto their SNAP EBT card. Families who don’t participate in SNAP but applied during the school year for free or reduced-price school meals will automatically receive EBT cards in the mail. All the family has to do is activate the card with a PIN number to use it.

Many families who don’t participate in SNAP are still eligible

Some children received free meals because they attended a school where all students received free meals through community eligibility. Their families will get letters from DHR requesting information like the parent’s name or address to send the EBT card. All that is necessary to get P-EBT is to respond to the questions and mail the letter back.

Some families may have made too much to qualify for free or reduced-price meals in March or April but have lost jobs since then. These families can apply for SNAP by May 31 and receive both SNAP and P-EBT benefits retroactively to May 1. They also can apply for free or reduced-price school meals and receive a P-EBT card for May.

Children who get grab-and-go meals at school or participate in a summer food program are still eligible for P-EBT assistance. The last day on which someone can become newly eligible for P-EBT is May 31, but traditional SNAP assistance still will be available. People with questions about P-EBT can call DHR at 800-410-5827.

What do we still need to do to help hungry families?

Children don’t quit eating just because school is out for summer. P-EBT is a vital replacement for lost school meals. But it is still tied to the school calendar and can’t help families during the long summer ahead.

Congress can do two things to help in the next COVID-19 relief package. First, lawmakers can and should increase SNAP benefits by 15% for everyone. This will help families with school-aged children, as well as seniors, people with disabilities, and people who have lost their jobs. And it will particularly help SNAP participants with the lowest incomes. These families already get the maximum benefit and therefore did not get an assistance increase in the previous relief package.

Second, Congress could extend P-EBT assistance throughout the summer. This would allow P-EBT to continue feeding children until schools reopen in the fall. Continuing to deposit the value of school meals on EBT cards would be easy if Congress allows it to happen. And it would go a long way toward ensuring no Alabama child goes hungry during this pandemic.

Arise update: May 1, 2020

As job losses and business closures mount, state revenues for education, health care and other public services are likely to plummet. Arise’s Carol Gundlach discusses how progressive tax changes would help prevent cuts to these services and help Alabama rebuild its economy after the COVID-19 pandemic.

Read more about our proposals here.

Progressive tax changes would allow Alabama’s budgets to endure and rebuild after COVID-19

Alabamians are living through hard times right now. Thousands of people are sick. Many more are scared or out of work. Uncertainty is everywhere amid a pandemic with no clear timetable or end game.

As more businesses close or cut back, as more people lose income, and as fewer of us go to the stores where we normally shop, state tax revenues are falling. That endangers funding for education, public health and other core services at a time when we need them most.

A state Senate committee Tuesday approved a smaller General Fund (GF) budget than the one Gov. Kay Ivey initially proposed. But that budget’s revenue assumptions may be too optimistic, and many lawmakers acknowledge they may need to revisit it this summer or fall as the pandemic’s financial toll becomes clearer. In the meantime, the ongoing public health emergency is compounding structural problems that have plagued Alabama for decades.

How Alabama should strengthen its tax system

The COVID-19 pandemic and its associated economic freefall are not the root cause of Alabama’s chronic underfunding of public services or the fundamental failures of its tax system. But this crisis is exposing and exacerbating those shortcomings. And it is illustrating the need for progressive tax changes that would equip our state to endure both this downturn and future recessions.

Alabama should enact these changes to raise revenue for vital services and make life better for struggling families:

  • Eliminate the regressive, and expensive, state income tax deduction for federal income taxes. About 80% of the $782 million deduction’s benefit flows to the top 20% of households.
  • Increase income tax brackets so the highest-paid 25% of taxpayers have a higher tax rate than people in the lower and middle brackets do. Alabama’s top income tax rate kicks in at just $3,000 of taxable income.
  • Impose a temporary income surtax on millionaires during the financial crisis.
  • Adopt combined reporting to prevent corporate tax avoidance while rejecting proposals, such as moving to a single sales factor formula, that would reduce taxes for large corporations.
  • Eliminate the state sales tax on groceries and replace that revenue by making progressive improvements to our income tax system. Alabama is one of only three states with no tax break on groceries.
  • Apply sales and use taxes to more professional services and digital goods and services like music downloads and video streaming services.
  • Institute or increase sales and excise taxes on unhealthy items like tobacco, vaping products or sugary soft drinks. The state could dedicate this money to Medicaid and other health care services.

Lessons from the past: How the last recession devastated Alabama’s finances

Alabama has two major revenue sources for public services that rise and fall with the economy. One is the income tax, which is earmarked (or dedicated) solely for K-12 teacher salaries. Sales and use taxes, which largely go toward education but also fund some other services, are the other. (Use taxes apply to online and mail-order purchases.) Most GF revenue sources grow slowly even in good times.

To understand this downturn’s potential impact, we should look back to the last recession, which struck Alabama in 2009. Both the Education Trust Fund (ETF) and GF were prorated as revenues plummeted during the Great Recession. Proration is an across-the-board funding cut when revenues fall short of expectations.

COVID-19 downturn could reduce Alabama's state funding for public services by more than $3 billion next year. Potential decrease in available state tax revenues between 2020 and 2021. General Fund: -$305 million. Education Trust Fund: -$841 million. Other dedicated funds for GF agencies: -$2 billion. Total revenue loss: -$3.1 billion. Source: Alabama Arise calculations based on state tax revenue decreases between 2008 and 2009. These figures show the losses that Alabama could expect if revenues fall at the same rate they did during the Great Recession's first year. Actual revenue declines between 2020 and 2021 may be larger or smaller than these amounts. This graph shows annual General Fund appropriations separately from other earmarked revenue that GF agencies receive each year.

ETF revenues went down 11.8%, or $702 million, between 2008 and 2009. GF revenues for services like courts, Medicaid, public safety and veterans’ assistance fell by 13.9%, or $250 million.

The ETF could lose $841 million in state money next year if revenues decline at the same rate as in 2009. This would be equivalent to $1,160 per student in public K-12 schools, or 20% of all state K-12 funding. It’s also more than this year’s state allocations to the University of Alabama and Auburn University systems combined.

Meanwhile, the GF could lose $305 million if this downturn matches the Great Recession. That would be equivalent to 2020 GF funding for the Department of Human Resources (DHR), mental health, public health and senior services combined.

This loss also doesn’t include other dedicated funds for GF agencies like child welfare, mental health and veterans’ services. If these earmarked funds dropped by 13.9%, as the GF did in 2009, Alabama would need another $2 billion to avoid cuts. Altogether, the total funding loss to education, health care and other services would exceed $3 billion.

Rainy day funds and federal relief will help, but they aren’t a lasting solution

Thankfully, Alabama has three revenue sources to help avoid or reduce service cuts, at least temporarily. Lawmakers have established two rainy day funds – essentially lines of credit – within the Alabama Trust Fund that the governor can tap to address major budget shortfalls. The ETF also has a reserve fund called the Budget Stabilization Fund, which can be tapped if revenues aren’t enough to cover budgeted expenses.

The governor can authorize withdrawal of no more than 14% total of the prior year’s education spending from a combination of the Budget Stabilization Fund and the ETF Rainy Day Fund. That amounts to around $997.6 million. And the state can withdraw 10% of prior-year spending for other services from the GF Rainy Day Fund, which comes to $219.2 million.

Between the two budgets, the governor could withdraw $1.2 billion from rainy day accounts. But to maintain current funding levels, Alabama still would need another $1.8 billion if this downturn matches the Great Recession.

Alabama expects about $1.8 billion in federal relief as a result of the Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act. This one-time relief could get the state through 2021 by a hair – if federal officials allow it. The U.S. Treasury is restricting the extent to which states can use these funds to plug budget shortfalls. Cumulative shortfalls in Alabama and other states from 2020-22 could top $650 billion, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities estimates.

COVID-19 state budget shortfalls could be largest on record. Total shortfall in each fiscal year, in billions of 2020 dollars. 2001 recession. '02: -$60. '03: -$105. '04: -$110. '05: -$60. Great Recession. '09: -$130. '10: -$230. '11: -$150. '12: -$120. '13: -$60. COVID-19. '20: -$110. '21: -$350. '22: -$190. COVID-19 estimates based on CBPP calculations using Congressional Budget Office and Goldman Sachs unemployment estimates. Does not reflect use of rainy day funds or federal aid already enacted. Source: CBPP survey of state budget offices (through 2013); CBPP calculations (2020-2022). Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, cbpp.org.

COVID-19’s budgetary threats don’t end there. Local governments also will need relief, and this fiscal crisis may be even worse than 2009. If a 2020 recession spirals into a depression, we will be facing some very dark days without new tax revenue to make them brighter.

The path to stronger, more inclusive budget and tax policies for Alabama

Alabama could respond to these steep revenue losses with harmful cuts to education, mental health care, public health and other critical needs. Or the state could make the wiser choice of raising sustainable new revenue to invest in the common good.

Our partners at the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy said it best: “For states facing catastrophic revenue declines, asking more of taxpayers with a clear ability to pay is far preferable to cutting state budgets, which would lead to mass layoffs, steep cuts in public services, and a downward spiral in the economy.”

Year after year, Alabama legislators have built a series of bare-bones budgets on one-time funds and temporary federal aid. They’ve refused to modernize our state’s upside-down tax system by making it more progressive and more fair for struggling families. And they’ve refused to ask large corporations and wealthy people who can afford to pay more to contribute their fair share to support the common good.

There’s a better way. The progressive tax changes we propose would protect education, health care and other services from devastating cuts during the COVID-19 recession. They also would allow our state to expand Medicaid and ensure all Alabamians can get the health care they need to survive and thrive, both during this pandemic and in the long recovery ahead. If we want a brighter future for Alabama, we need to invest in it now.

Arise update: April 24, 2020

Personal stories have power. And we want to hear yours. Arise’s Sherrel Wheeler Stewart talks about the importance of personal stories as we work to convince Alabama lawmakers to expand Medicaid. She also explains how folks who are uninsured or struggling to afford health coverage can share their stories with Arise and the Cover Alabama Coalition.

Click here to get started.